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Zerubbabel Chosen as a Signet
20 The word of the Lord came a second time to Haggai fon the twenty-fourth day of the month, 21 “Speak to jZerubbabel, governor of Judah, saying, kI am about to shake the heavens and the earth, 22 and lto overthrow the throne of kingdoms. I am about to destroy the strength of the kingdoms of the nations, and moverthrow the chariots and their riders. And the horses and their riders shall go down, nevery one by the sword of his brother. 23 On that day, declares the Lord of hosts, I will take you, O jZerubbabel omy servant, the son of pShealtiel, declares the Lord, and make you qlike a3 signet ring, ofor I have chosen you, declares the Lord of hosts.”

 The Holy Bible: English Standard Version (Wheaton: Standard Bible Society, 2016), 학 2:20–23.

20절) 그달(9월) 24일 여호와의 말씀이 다시 학개에게 임함. 
-As in 2:10, the Lord’s word is said to come “to” (ʾel) Haggai rather than “by the hand of” (bĕyad) Haggai (cf. 1:3; 2:1). As noted earlier, the difference in meaning between the two expressions is slight. The preposition ʾel portrays Haggai as a passive recipient of divine revelation, while bĕyad shifts attention to the prophet as an active agent in the communication of that message. But the important thing is that it is the Lord’s message. Haggai is simply a chosen messenger.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 192.

21-22절) 유다 총독 스룹바벨에게 여호와 하나님으로부터의 임박한 심판을 고하심. 하늘과 땅을 진동시키시고 열국의 보좌를 엎고 열방의 세력을 멸하심. 그 병거들과 그 탄 자들을 엎드러뜨림으로 말과 그 탄자가 각각 그 동무의 칼에 엎드러지게 될 것을 선포하심. 본문의 임박한 하나님의 심판에 대한 경고는 출애굽의 상황을 연상케 한다. 본문은 여호와 하나님이 주체로 이 심판을 행할 것임을 거듭 강조하고 있다. 
The first person verbs in v. 22 speak of violence that originates not in fortuitous events of nature but with intentional divine decisions. The repeated use of the first person is vivid: “I will overturn,” “I will shatter,” “I will overthrow.” The sovereign Lord credits himself with the foreboding acts of judgment described here. Such language calls to mind certain prior Old Testament scenes that provide the poetic imagery and visual backdrop for this oracle.7 In Gen 19:25 the Lord “overthrew” (same verb as “overturn” here) Sodom and Gomorrah and the surrounding plain (cf. Isa 13:19; Jer 20:16; Amos 4:11; Deut 29:23). The Song of Moses speaks of Pharaoh’s horses and riders, along with his chariots and army, being hurled into the sea as a result of the Lord’s decisive intervention at the time of the exodus (Exod 15:1, 4, 19, 21). Haggai also speaks of the overthrow of royal thrones, the shattering of the power of foreign kingdoms,8 and the overthrow of chariots and their drivers. The similarity of language is not coincidental.
7 Haggai’s language may also reflect here, as D. L. Petersen (following Sauer) suggests, some allusion to the judgmental language of national destruction as found in Psalms 2 and 110 (Haggai and Zechariah 1–8: A Commentary, OTL [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1984], 100).
8 The second colon of 2:22 seems a bit overloaded due to the two genitives dependent on
חֹזֶק (“strength”). The NIV translates the clause “[I will] shatter the power of the foreign kingdoms.” A more literal translation is, “And I will destroy the power of the kingdoms of the nations.” Some scholars regard מַמְלְכוֹת (“kingdoms”), which also occurs just three words earlier, as a gloss that may have originated as a variant to the word הַגּוֹיִם (“the nations”). But there is no MSS evidence to support this view. In spite of the awkwardness of the phrase, it seems best to retain מַמְלְכוֹת as in the MT. The twofold occurrence of מֱמְלְכוֹת (“kingdoms”) may in fact serve a purpose. C. L. Meyers and E. M. Meyers have suggested that a subtle distinction may be intended in this use of similar phraseology: “ ‘Throne of kingdoms’ may refer to the ruler or dynast controlling all the kingdoms composing the empire, with ‘foreign kingdoms’ (literally, ‘kingdoms of nations’) representing the constituent polities” (Haggai, Zechariah 1–8: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AB [New York: Doubleday, 1987], 67).
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 193–194.

23절) 그날에 만군의 여호와께서 스알디엘의 아들 스룹바벨에게 말씀하신다. 내 종이라고 부르시며 내가 너를 취하고 너로 인장 반지를 삼으리니 이는 내가 너를 택하였음이다라고 말씀하심. 하나님의 주권적인 선택을 매우 강력하게 표현하고 있다. 
Zerubbabel is singled out as a key player not only in the reconstruction of the temple but also in the anticipated future of the Davidic kingdom. The mention of a historical figure by name in an eschatological setting is unusual,18 although certain references to David elsewhere in the Old Testament may have some similarity to this reference to Zerubbabel.19 The setting of v. 23 is established by the phrase bayyôm hahûʾ (“on that day”). This phrase is frequently used with an eschatological nuance in Old Testament prophetic literature.20
The language of v. 23 is characterized by terminology emphasizing unilateral divine selection, such as “I will take you,” “my servant,” and “I have chosen you.” The piling up of such language in a short space signals that unusual events are being described. The Hebrew verb lāqaḥ (“to take”) often has a very general sense, but here it is used with the specific nuance of selecting or choosing, a usage that is attested elsewhere for this verb.21 The language of v. 23 is similar to that of 1 Kgs 11:37, where the Lord addresses the following words to Jeroboam: “However, as for you, I will take you [wʾōtĕkā ʾeqqaḥ], and you will rule over all that your heart desires; you will be king over Israel.” The Lord will “take” (ʾeqqāḥăkā) Zerubbabel in the sense that he has chosen him for a unique role in connection with the momentous events described in this passage.
The term ʿabdî (“my servant”), which occurs in v. 23, is common in the Hebrew Bible. It is often used of those whom the Lord has appointed to a particular task, whether from among his people or the pagan nations.22 But ʿabdî is especially used as a designation of David as king, either in reference to the historical person of David or an eschatological figure who will be David-like.

18 Meyers and Meyers regard this phenomenon as unique, constituting “the only case in the Hebrew Bible in which an eschatological prophecy is focused upon a known historical figure” (Haggai, Zechariah 1–8, 15, 68). See also S. Japhet, “Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel—Against the Background of the Historical and Religious Tendencies of Ezra-Nehemiah,” ZAW 94 (1982): 77.
19 See, e.g., Hos 3:5, where the expression “David their king” has in view not David specifically but a descendant in the Davidic line. Cf. Jer 30:9; Ezek 34:23–24.
20 The expression
בַּיּוֹמ הַהוּא occurs more than two hundred times in the Hb. Bible, often in an eschatological sense. Among the prophets Isaiah is especially fond of this expression, using it some forty-five times. Jeremiah uses this expression ten times; Ezekiel thirteen times; Hosea four times; Joel once; Amos five times; Obadiah once; Micah three times; Zephaniah four times; Zechariah twenty-two times.
21 See, e.g., Deut 1:15, 23; 4:20, 34; Josh 3:12; 4:2; 1 Kgs 11:37.
22 The phrase “my servant” is used, e.g., of the following individuals: Abraham (Gen 26:24); Jacob (Isa 43:10; 44:1, 2; 44:21; 49:3; 52:13; 53:11; Jer 3:10; 46:27, 28; Ezek 28:25; 37:25); Moses (Num 12:7, 8; Josh 1:2, 7; 2 Kgs 21:8; Mal 3:22); Caleb (Num 14:24); David (2 Sam 3:18; 7:5, 8; 1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 34, 36, 38; 14:8; Isa 37:35; Jer 33:21, 22, 26; Ezek 34:23, 24; 36:26; 37:24; Ps 89:4, 21; 1 Chr 17:4, 7); Naaman (2 Kgs 5:6); Isaiah (Isa 20:3); Eliakim (Isa 22:20); Israel (Isa 41:8, 9; 42:1, 19); Nebuchadnezzar (Jer 25:9; 27:6; 43:10); the Branch (Zech 3:8); Job (Job 1:8; 2:3; 31:13; 42:7, 8[2x]). Other permutations of this expression also appear (e.g., “servant,” “your servant,” “his servant,” “servant of the Lord”).
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 195–196.

인장 반지의 비유는 고대 근동에서 주권과 권위를 상징한다. 결국 스룹바벨이 신적 권위를 부여받은 다윗의 계보임을 강조한다. 
Haggai’s ring imagery is especially striking in this context.27 The signet ring was a common emblem of ownership and authority in the ancient Near East; it was used for the authentication of such things as royal directives or legal documents.28 Missives of this sort were typically sealed with a piece of clay impressed with the distinctive and identifying marks of the ring (cf. Jer 32:9–15). Such a ring normally was worn either suspended on a cord around the neck (cf. Gen 38:18) or placed on a finger of the right hand (cf. Jer 22:24), although it could be displayed on one’s arm as well (cf. Song 8:6).29 In Hag 2:23 the signet ring figuratively portrays Zerubbabel as one who uniquely represented divine authority and who appeared as the Lord’s coregent.30
27 It would be hard to improve on J. A. Motyer’s apt description of this section: “The final verses of his book reveal Haggai as the literary equivalent of an impressionist painter—he gives general tone and effect without elaborate detail. His colors are the thunderstorm and the earthquake (2:21), revolution (2:22a), clashing armies (2:22b–c), and civil conflict (2:22d). As in a carefully composed picture, where every stroke is designed to lead the eye to what is central, so here too the focus is like a shaft of sunlight illuminating one item—a ring shining on a finger (2:23)” (“Haggai,” in The Minor Prophets: An Exegetical and Expository Commentary [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1998], 3:1000).
28 On the use of seals in general in the ANE see M. Gibson and R. D. Biggs, eds., Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East, BMes 6 (Malibu: Undena, 1977).
29 That the signet ring was worn on one’s person in order to prevent its theft or unauthorized use, as P. A. Verhoef suggests, is not entirely clear (The Books of Haggai and Malachi, NICOT [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987], 147). One can just as easily imagine that the signet ring may have been worn so that its owner might have convenient and ready access to it. In some instances there may also have been social advantages associated with having this emblem of authority clearly in public view.
30 In v. 23 Tg. Jonathan expands the reference to Zerubbabel as a “signet ring” (
חוֹתָם) to “the engraving (or setting) of a signet ring upon the hand” (כגלף דעזקא על יד), thus making the idea a bit more specific than it is in the MT.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 197–198.

본문은 이렇게 막을 내린다. 그렇다면 실제로 스룹바벨은 어떤 역할을 했는가? 그가 실제로 영광스러운 승리의 열매를 거두지는 못했다. 하지만 마태와 누가는 메시야의 계보에 스룹바벨을 언급한다. 히브리서 기자도 이렇게 증언한다.(히 11:39)
(히 11:39, 개정) 『이 사람들은 다 믿음으로 말미암아 증거를 받았으나 약속된 것을 받지 못하였으니』
신약의 주님의 재림에 대한 예언도 이와 마찬가지이다. 예언의 성취를 기다리지만 아직 완성되지 않았다고 해서 이것이 예언의 신적인 정당성을 무력화 시킬 수는 없다. 

The magnitude of these promises to Zerubbabel poses an exegetical problem. Were these pronouncements actually fulfilled in Zerubbabel? Did he usher in a restoration of Israelite monarchy that was accompanied by the overthrow of Gentile nations in the fashion that Haggai describes?32 The history of this period provides no evidence that he did so. Haggai’s promises did not come to fruition in the person of Zerubbabel. On the contrary, not long after this prophecy was given, Zerubbabel dropped into obscurity and passed off the scene. History is silent about what became of him or under what conditions he concluded his life. Whether he was removed from office by the Persians out of concern over possible insurrection in Judah,33 or died while in office, or continued to govern for a period of time is unknown.34
What is clear is that Zerubbabel did not usher in a triumphant period of rule such as vv. 20–23 describe. According to some scholars Haggai’s grand predictions concerning Zerubbabel turned out to be a dismal failure.35 What the prophet thought would take place did not occur.36 Haggai’s predictions are therefore regarded by some scholars as an instance of prophecy failing to come to fruition, a case of what has been called cognitive dissonance within the prophetic literature.37
A better understanding of this matter lies in viewing Zerubbabel as a representative figure.38 Just as the name David could carry associations of a royal figure who is in the Davidic line but who transcends the historical figure of David, so it is with Zerubbabel.39 This governor of Judah represented a renewal of divine pleasure in a people who had returned from the disciplinary experience of the exile—a people whom the Lord was once again pleased to acknowledge and for whom he had great plans. Like many other Old Testament promises, these predictions had both a near dimension and a more distant one. Haggai’s promises given to Zerubbabel, while true of him in a limited way, find their ultimate expression in a greater Zerubbabel who was to come.40 It is not surprising that in the genealogies of Jesus provided by Matthew and Luke, Zerubbabel is mentioned as part of the messianic line.41
That Haggai himself necessarily expected a delayed fulfillment of his words is not likely. He had no way of anticipating the temporal distances that might exist between prediction and fulfillment. As the writer to the Hebrews says of past heroes of the faith, “These were all commended for their faith, yet none of them received what had been promised” (Heb 11:39). In that regard Haggai was no different from New Testament writers who expected the prophecies of Jesus’ return to have a sooner rather than later fulfillment. They could not have anticipated the measure of time that separated their predictions from historical fulfillment. Such temporal distance, however, does not negate the validity of their prophecies. It merely confirms that at times they spoke of profound mysteries that were beyond their ability fully to comprehend.


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The Command to Rebuild the Temple
aIn the second year of Darius the king, in the sixth month, on the first day of the month, the word of the Lord came by the hand of Haggai the prophet to bZerubbabel the son of cShealtiel, governor of Judah, and to dJoshua the son of eJehozadak, the high priest: “Thus says the Lord of hosts: These people say the time has not yet come to rebuild the house of the Lord.”

a ver. 15; ch. 2:10; Ezra 4:24; 5:1; Zech. 1:1, 7
b See 1 Chr. 3:19
c See 1 Chr. 3:17
d See Ezra 3:2
e 1 Chr. 6:15
 The Holy Bible: English Standard Version (Wheaton: Standard Bible Society, 2016), 학 1:1–2.



1절) 선지서의 첫 시작은 매우 중요한 정보를 우리에게 제공한다. 첫번째는 이 시기에 대한 정치, 역사적인 정보이고 두번째는 이 여호와의 말씀을 증거하는 사람이 누구인지, 세번째는 이 메시지를 일차적으로 받는 수신자가 누구인지, 공식적인 직함이 무엇인지를 제공한다. 
First, there is a date that enables us to situate the message within the political history of the period. Second, the prophet is identified as the bearer of a message from the Lord. And third, the primary recipients of the message are identified by name, family descent, and official position.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 102.
1) 시기 : 다리오왕 2년 6월 초하루. 이는 기원전 520년 8월 29일로 추정된다. 
The Darius of Hag 1:1 is Darius I Hystaspes, who ruled over Persia from 522 to 486 B.C. He ascended the throne of Persia after the death of Cambyses and was still relatively new to royal power when Haggai commenced the prophetic ministry described in this book. At that time Darius had been in power for only a couple of years, just long enough to have begun to settle in to what would be for him a lengthy rule over the mighty and far-flung Persian empire.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 103.

구약의 선지서들은 그들의 역사를 기술할때 이스라엘의 왕, 몇년이라고 기술한다. 하지만 이 시기는 남, 북왕국이 멸망하여 이스라엘에 왕이 없었던 시기이므로 역사적인 기술을 위해 이방의 왕을 기술할 수 밖에 없었다. 
Old Testament prophets typically related their historical circumstances to a particular king of Israel or, in some cases, to multiple Israelite kings. The Book of Isaiah, for example, is situated in the reigns of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah (Isa 1:1). The Book of Jeremiah links its events to the days of the Judean king Josiah and his son Jehoiakim (Jer 1:2–3). The Book of Ezekiel begins with a reference to the exile of Judah’s king Jehoiachin (Ezek 1:2). The Book of Daniel refers to the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah (Dan 1:1). Several of the Minor Prophets also have similar chronological notices at their beginning (e.g., Hos 1:1; Amos 1:1; Mic 1:1; Zeph 1:1).
Contrary to this convention, neither Haggai nor Zechariah relates their events to a king of Judah. The reason for this departure from the earlier norm is very simple. The Babylonian captivity had effectively brought an end to the Israelite monarchy. By the time of the events described in Haggai and Zechariah, the people of Israel had been without a king of their own for six decades and more. It was therefore necessary for these postexilic prophets to relate the events they describe to the only king Israel knew at that moment in history—a Persian king. This dating scheme implicitly calls attention to the fact that since Israel was without a king of her own, her national life must sadly be defined in terms of subservience to a foreign, and in fact a pagan, king. The degree to which the population of Judah was able to chart its own course for the future had significant restrictions imposed from the outside.

또한 분문의 구체적인 시기 또한 당시 사용하던 달력 시스템이 바뀌었다는 것을 이해할 필요가 있다. 포로기 이전에는 가을에 새로운 해가 시작했다면 포로기 이후에는 바벨론 달력 시스템을 차용해서 봄에 새로운 해가 시작된다. 그레서 이 유월(엘룰월)은 여름, 즉 기원전 520년 8월 29일에 해당한다. 
This reference to month is complicated by the fact that at different times ancient Israel used different calendrical systems. Before the exile the Israelites had used a calendar marking the beginning of the new year in the fall. But during and after the exile Israel adopted the Babylonian calendar, with the new year beginning in the spring. It is this latter system that is reflected in Haggai’s usage. The sixth month (i.e., Elul) was therefore toward the end of summer.10 In terms of modern reckoning the date in v. 1 corresponds to August 29, 520 B.C.11
10 See the discussion in J. Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology: Principles of Time Reckoning in the Ancient World and Problems of Chronology in the Bible (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), §§65–81.
11 As pointed out earlier in the introduction, for the conversion of ancient dates to their modern equivalents I am indebted to R. A. Parker and W. H. Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology, 626 b.c.–a.d. 75, Brown University Studies 19 (Providence: Brown University Press, 1956).
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 105.

 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 104–105.

유대인들에게 매달 첫째날은 하나님께 특별한 제물을 드리는 날이다. 민 10:10에 초하루에는 번제물과 화목제물을 드릴 것을 명했다. 그러나 이시기에 도리어 여호와의 전은 폐허가 되어 있기에 하나님께 예물을 드리고 예배를 드리는 행위는 그쳤다. 
That the first day of the month was the occasion of Haggai’s message is of interest in that according to Torah the first of every month was a time for special offerings to the Lord (cf. Num 28:11–15). As such it was to be a time of celebration and rejoicing (Num 10:10). But with the temple lying in ruins, there was no way properly to observe these festive occasions as had been done less than a century before. It may be that by delivering his message on this first day of the month Haggai intended the very timing of his message to call attention to the spiritual dilemma that confronted his people.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 105.

학개의 특징은 또한 매우 구체적인 날자를 기록하고 있다는 것이다. 이는 먼저 사건의 사실성을 강조하는 것이고 또한 선지자의 메시지의 신뢰성을 보장해주는 역할을 한다. 

The specificity with which these dates are given in Haggai serves two purposes. First, it underscores the factuality of the events that are described, situating them within a verifiable historical context. Second, it lends credibility to the predictive portions of the prophet’s message, since his accuracy on past allusions can be readily established.15
15 See further P. A. Verhoef, “Notes on the Dates in the Book of Haggai,” in Text and Context: Old Testament and Semitic Studies for F. C. Fensham (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988), 263–64.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 106.

2) 메시지의 기원이 여호와께로 말미암았음을 알려준다. 사람을 통해서 여호와의 말씀이 전달되지만 이것이 사람으로부터 기인한 것이 아님을, 하나님께롤 부터 온 것임을 강조한다. 또한 1절은 이 신적 말씀이 선지자를 통해서 하나님의 백성에게 전달되고 있음을 강조한다. 본문에 학개로 말미암아라는 단어는 by the hand of Haggai인데 through의 의미가 크다. 일반적으로 선지자들이 말씀을 받는다고 할때 본문처럼 말씀을 전달하는 통로로서 강조할 것인지, 아니면 말씀을 받는 자로서 강조할 것인지에 따라 표현이 달라진다. 이것의 의미는 단지 이 말씀을 거부한다는 것이 사람의 말을 거부하는 것이 아니라 하나님을 거부한 것이 된다는 것이다. 
This statement calls attention to two equally important features of Haggai’s message.16 First, it underscores the divine origin of his message, claiming for it revelatory status. Though conveyed by a human spokesman, the message did not originate with that messenger. It is a message whose importance derived from its suprahuman and divine nature. It is “the word of the Lord” (dĕbar YHWH). Thus from the start of this book the prophet stresses the notion that through his message it is ultimately the Lord who speaks. This is a theme to which Haggai will repeatedly return in the remainder of this book. The prophetic word as divine revelation is an essential part of the theology of this book; it is a component of Haggai’s thought that is emphasized over and over.17 Second, the expression in v. 1 links this divine word to the human messenger who delivered it to the Lord’s people. It is a message that came “through” (bĕyad, lit. “by the hand of”) Haggai.18 The more familiar expression for describing prophetic reception of a divine message speaks of the word of the Lord coming “to” (ʾel) the prophet rather than “through” (bĕyad) him.19 This expression appears in Hag 2:10, 20, for example. There is a slight distinction of meaning in the two phrases. The expression hāyâ bĕyad (“it was by the hand of”) directs attention to the transmission of the message to the audience for whom it was intended, while hāyâ ʾel (“it was to”) focuses on the prophet’s reception of the divine oracle. In the former instance the emphasis is on the prophet’s role as intermediate agent through whom the divine message was communicated to a third party, whereas in the latter instance the emphasis is on the prophet’s role as chosen recipient of the divine message.20 In v. 1 it is the former construction that appears.
16 In 1:1 the LXX includes the words λέγων Εἰπόν (“saying, Say”), thus treating the following portion of v. 1 as part of the direct discourse rather than, as in the MT, a narrative identification of the intended recipients of the divine word that was mediated by Haggai. This addition in the Gk. text probably is due to harmonization with Hag 2:1–2, where we find in the MT the words לֵאמֹר אֱמָר־נָא (“saying, Say”). The reading of the MT is preferable here.
17 See further on this point the discussion of Haggai’s theology found in the Introduction.
18 Cf. Hag 1:3; 2:1; Mal 1:1. The phrase is also employed frequently throughout the OT in expressions other than those that describe reception of divine revelation. R. L. Smith’s comment is therefore not accurate as it stands: “This construction ‘by the hand of …’ is rare in the prophets. It is found only in Hag 1:1, 3; 2:1; and Mal 1:1” (“Haggai,” in Micah–Malachi, WBC [Waco: Word, 1984], 152). On the contrary, the expression appears often in Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; it occurs occasionally in certain other prophetic writings as well.
19 See, e.g., Hos 1:1; Joel 1:1; Jonah 1:1; Mic 1:1; Zeph 1:1; Zech 1:1.
20 This distinction, however, should not be rigidly pressed. Hag 2:1 has
בְּיַד where we might have expected אֶל instead. Kessler attributes the exception to the work of a redactor who was inconsistent with the practice followed elsewhere in Haggai. M. McEntire insists on a distinction between the expressions here and understands the author to be signaling disruption in the narrative. But whether the variation is a reflection of intentional narrative strategy, as McEntire suggests, or whether the distinction between the expressions has simply blurred is not easy to say. The latter seems more likely (see McEntire, “Haggai—Bringing God into the Picture,” RevExp 97 [2000]: 70, 72; Kessler, The Book of Haggai, 117.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 107.

3) 메시지의 수신자는 스알디엘의 아들 유다총독 스룹바벨과 여호사닥의 아들 대제사장 여호수아이다. 스룹바벨은 정치 권력을 대표하고, 여호수아는 종교권력을 대표한다. 여호와의 전을 건축하기 위해서 위 사람들에게 반드시 여호와의 말씀이 전달되어야 했다. 
The first is Zerubbabel, who represented political power as the Persian-appointed governor over Judah, and the second is Joshua, who represented religious authority as the duly appointed high priest. Five times these two names appear together in Haggai (1:1, 12, 14; 2:2, 4), always in the same order. This suggests a diarchic form of rule in which civil and religious leadership were merged in the governing body. The consistent listing of Zerubbabel first hints at his primacy in this arrangement.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 108.
스룹바벨(바벨론의 씨)은 스알디엘(내가 여호와께 물었다)의 아들로 이름의 의미를 볼때 포로기에 잡혀 간 상황에서 출생했을 것이다. 
It is Zerubbabel who is first singled out. Not all of the biblical details concerning the family relationships of Zerubbabel are equally clear. The probable meaning of his name (i.e., “seed of Babylon”)22 suggests that he was born in the captivity. The name may also hint at the extent to which the Jewish community of the exile had accepted its Babylonian environment.23 Zerubbabel is described here as the “son of Shealtiel.”24 Unlike the name Zerubbabel, Shealtiel reflects a northwest Semitic environment. In Hebrew the name means “I have asked God.” It is presumably an allusion to parental prayer for the birth of a child. The name may be an indication that Zerubbabel’s father had been born before the exile, since during the exile west Semitic influences in names probably gave way to Babylonian influences.25
Shealtiel was an older son of the Judean king Jehoiachin, according to 1 Chr 3:17. The Chronicler presents Zerubbabel’s genealogy in terms slightly different from those found in Haggai. According to 1 Chr 3:19, Zerubbabel’s father was not Shealtiel but Pedaiah, who was a younger son of Jehoiachin (1 Chr 3:17). This would seem to imply that Shealtiel was actually Zerubbabel’s uncle, not his father. How is this discrepancy to be accounted for? We can only conjecture. Suggestions that the problem is due to textual error in the MT are not convincing.26 It may be that in keeping with the law of Levirite marriage (Deut 25:5–6) Pedaiah had married Shealtiel’s widow, in which case a male child born to that relationship could properly be called the son of the presumably deceased Shealtiel. This proposal would seem to be an adequate explanation for the problem,27 although it must be stressed that it goes beyond the silence of the biblical passages in the matter.
Another problem concerns the relationship of Zerubbabel to Sheshbazzar, who is mentioned in the Book of Ezra as among the Jews who returned from Babylon to Judah and who was appointed governor by Cyrus (Ezra 1:8, 11; 5:14, 16).28 The details of the biblical material in this regard are difficult to sort out. The traditional view, which is at least as old as Josephus,29 is that Zerubbabel and Shesbazzar are different names for the same individual. The view held by most modern scholars, however, is that they are two different individuals.30 In that case Sheshbazzar was responsible for starting the work on the foundations of the temple, while Zerubbabel at a later time was responsible for bringing the work to completion (cf. Ezra 3:8–10; 5:16).

22 See BDB, 279; HALOT, 279. The name Zerubbabel is probably a Hb. adaptation of the Akk. zēr bābili.
23 So, e.g., J. A. Soggin, Introduction to the Old Testament, from Its Origins to the Closing of the Alexandrian Canon, rev. ed., OTL (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980), 325.
24 Cf. Hag 1:12, 14; 2:2, 23; Ezra 3:2, 8; Neh 12:1; Matt 1:12; Luke 3:27.
25 So C. L. Meyers and E. M. Meyers, Haggai, Zechariah 1–8: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AB (New York: Doubleday, 1987), 10.
MT Masoretic Text
26 The LXX of 1 Chr 3:19 has Shealtiel rather than Pedaiah as the father of Zerubbabel. But this is the easier reading text-critically and is likely due to scribal harmonization.
27 For a fuller discussion of this view see C. F. Keil, Minor Prophets, Commentary on the Old Testament, vol. 10 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 175–76. It is an interpretation that has been adopted by a number of modern commentators, although Meyers and Meyers regard it as an unconvincing attempt at harmonization (see Haggai, Zechariah 1–8, 10).
28 A further complication is Sheshbazzar’s relationship to Shenazzar of 1 Chr 3:18. Is this one individual referred to by two different names, or are these two separate individuals? Most probably, they are separate individuals. See, e.g., S. Japhet, “Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel—Against the Background of the Historical and Religious Tendencies of Ezra-Nehemiah,” ZAW 94 (1982): 95–96; L. L. Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992), 76. But some scholars equate the two. See, e.g., E. Stern, “The Persian Empire and the Political and Social History of Palestine in the Persian Period,” in Introduction: The Persian Period, CHJ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 70; J. Bright, A History of Israel, 3d ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981), 362.
29 See Josephus, Ant. 11.13.
30 For a summary of the issues see J. Lust, “The Identification of Zerubbabel with Sheshbassar,” ETL 63 (1987): 90–95; J. S. Wright, The Building of the Second Temple (London: Tyndale, n.d.), esp. pp. 10–12; Japhet, “Sheshbezzar and Zerubbabel,” 90–94. Lust concludes that Zerubbabel is to be identified with Sheshbazzar, while Wright maintains that Sheshbazzar (to be equated with Shenazzar of 1 Chr 3:18) was the uncle of Zerubbabel. Japhet sees the two as separate individuals. T. André also discusses the issue at some length, concluding that Zerubbabel and Sheshbazzar should be viewed as separate individuals (Le prophète Aggée: Introduction critique et commentaire [Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1895], 48–63).
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 108–110.


2절) 여호와의 전은 성전으로서의 그리스도, 성전으로서의 교회 그리고 새 예루살렘에 거하시는 하나님으로 그분의 존재를 형상화 하고 이를 기대한다. 
The house of the Lord symbolizes his presence and looks forward to Christ as temple (John 1:14; 2:19–21), the church as temple (1 Cor. 3:16; Eph. 2:20–22), and the dwelling of God in the new Jerusalem (Rev. 21:3; 21:22–22:5).
 Crossway Bibles, The ESV Study Bible (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Bibles, 2008), 1744.

The Lord of Hosts: Frequency and Use in the OT
Why does the title “Lord of hosts” appear more frequently in Malachi than in any other OT book, and in the time of prophetic books more than during other time periods? In the period of Isaiah, the northern kingdom was overrun and destroyed and the southern kingdom almost destroyed by the “hosts” (armies) of Assyria. God’s people had so few troops that the Assyrian King Sennacherib could mockingly challenge King Hezekiah with the offer of a gift of 2,000 horses if Hezekiah could find enough soldiers to ride them (Isa. 36:8). Similarly, in the period of Jeremiah, the southern kingdom was wiped out by the hosts (armies) of Babylon.
In the postexilic period of Malachi, the postage-stamp-sized Judah, as a tiny province within the vast Persian Empire, had no army of its own. It is precisely in such times, when God’s people are painfully aware of how limited their own resources are, that there is no greater comfort than the fact that the Lord has his invincible heavenly armies standing at the ready. It is like the comfort that Elisha prayed for his servant at Dothan when they were surrounded by the Syrian armies: “ ‘O Lord, please open his eyes that he may see.’ So the Lord opened the eyes of the young man, and he saw, and behold, the mountain was full of horses and chariots of fire all around Elisha” (2 Kings 6:17). Perhaps it is like the comfort felt by Jesus before the cross: “Do you think that I cannot appeal to my Father, and he will at once send me more than twelve legions of angels?” (Matt. 26:53).
The following chart shows the percentages of verses in a book containing at least one occurrence of the phrase, “Lord of hosts” (or related variation):
1. Malachi (43.6%)
2. Haggai (31.6%)
3. Zechariah (21.8%)
4. Amos (6.1%)
5. Jeremiah (5.9%)
6. Isaiah (4.7%)
7. Nahum (4.3%)
8. Zephaniah (3.8%)
9. Habakkuk (1.8%)
10. Micah (1.0%)
11. 2 Samuel (0.9%)
12. Psalms (0.7%)
13. 1 Samuel (0.6%)
14. Hosea (0.5%)
15. 1 Kings (0.4%)
16. 1 Chronicles (0.3%)
17. 2 Kings (0.3%)
 Crossway Bibles, The ESV Study Bible (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Bibles, 2008), 1776.

본문에서 이스라엘 백성을 내 백성이 아니라 이 백성이라고 지칭한다. 이것은 지금 하나님과 이스라엘 백성들 사이의 거리감을 나타낸다. 
Following the introduction to the Lord’s words in v. 2, we expect to find his initial instructions through Haggai to the people. Instead, v. 2 abruptly continues with a citation of what the people were saying in defense of their actions.49 The Lord’s remarks begin with the expression “these people” (hāʿām hazzeh).50 There is a notion of contempt and disparagement in the words. The Lord does not refer to them as “my people,” although in light of earlier covenantal promises extended to their ancestors he might have done so. Instead he calls them “this people.” The personal pronoun “my,” which might have brought a measure of reassurance to the people in the midst of their hardships, is replaced by the cold and detached demonstrative pronoun “this” (cf. Isa 6:9, 10). The word signals at the outset of this message that something was wrong in the relationship between the Lord and the inhabitants of Judah.
49 More than a century ago this problem was noticed by A. P. Sym, who concluded that a dislocation of part of Haggai’s message had occurred (“A Textual Study in Zechariah and Haggai,” ExpTim 7 [1895–1896]: 257–60, 317–21). According to Sym most of Zech 4:6–10 actually belongs after Hag 1:2, since it fits here better than it does in Zechariah. The reasons advanced for this view, however, are not compelling, and there is no external evidence that supports such a conclusion. That there is an awkwardness to this pericope in Haggai is clear; that the solution to the problem lies in shifting Zech 4:6–10 to a position following Hag 1:2 seems unlikely.
50 The Hb. expression is singular, “this people,” but English translators often prefer to render this collective singular as a plural, “these people” (so NIV, ESV, NRSV, Tanak, NET Bible).
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 115.
백성들의 변명은 자신들이 성전 건축에 관심이 없거나 그것을 안하겠다는 것이 아니라 그 때가 이르지 아니했다라는 것이다. 적합한 때가 아니기에 성전을 재건하지 않는 것이라고 핑계대고 있는 것이다. 

In this section Haggai repeatedly pictures the temple as a house (bêt) in which the Lord resides. The choice of terms is significant. In biblical language the description of the temple as God’s house suggests a roofed building equipped with furniture suitable to its function as a dwelling place for the deity. The temple perceived as a house differs in Old Testament thought from an altar, which could stand in the open by itself and which functioned not as a dwelling for the deity but as a place of sacrifice.53 This notion of the temple as the house of God is thus important for understanding the urgency Haggai attaches to this structure. To leave the Lord’s dwelling in a state of disrepair was to show disrespect to its occupant.
53 On this distinction see further M. Haran, “Temples and Cultic Open Areas as Reflected in the Bible,” in Temples and High Places in Biblical Times: Proceedings of the Colloquium in Honor of the Centennial of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, Jerusalem, 14–16 March 1977 (Jerusalem: Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, 1981), 31–37.
 Richard A. Taylor and E. Ray Clendenen, Haggai, Malachi, vol. 21A, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2004), 116.


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